This article summarises research by the ARC Centre of Excellence in Population Ageing Research (CEPAR) which focusses on research in the field of population ageing. The full report is attached at the end of the article.
In Australia, the topic of housing occupies many a newspaper column, barbeque conversation and research report. Just over half (or $6.3 trillion) of Australian household wealth is stored in housing, distributed across 10.3 million residential dwellings, which are among the most expensive in the world.
The family home not only fulfils everyday needs as a shelter and a place for family and social relations but can also act as a store of value and a guarantee of financial security in retirement. It is both nest and nest egg.
Housing outcomes therefore affect financial and personal health and wellbeing over the lifecycle. And as lifespans increase and Australia’s population ages, it is important to examine the interactions between demography and housing. Home ownership is often considered another pillar of the retirement income system, in addition to the age pension, and mandatory and voluntary superannuation.
Here are our major conclusions on home ownership.
1. Home ownership serves multiple purposes over the lifecycle: It acts as a home as well as a store of wealth to guarantee financial security in retirement. Its lack in old age compromises security of both tenure and finances.
2. Home ownership appears to be in decline: Depending on the measure, total home ownership in Australia currently ranges from 59% to 70%. Across all measures, home ownership is down 3-4% in the last two decades. Drops are led by young households of all incomes and middle-aged households with low incomes.
3. Much of the decline may be due to declining affordability: Over the past 20 years, house prices grew faster than household incomes. Common explanations point to cyclical as well as structural factors. These include:
(1) a surge in rental demand from new migrants (3.7 million since 2000)
(2) lower cost and greater allocation of credit to investors, supported by tax rules (negative gearing and capital discounts)
(3) a supply lag (of about 10 years between peak increase in demand and peak increase in supply, up from 3-5 years in the past).
4. Higher prices and lower borrowing costs have changed the dynamic: Across the income and house price distributions, deposit hurdles increased while borrowing costs decreased (in the past two decades, years to save for a hypothetical deposit for households with income in the second quintile buying a house in the second quintile of prices increased from 4 to 6 years, but repayments were down from 44% to 36% of income). A low initial saving hurdle in the past meant that house purchases functioned as a commitment device to save. It is less available now.
5. Declines in home ownership must be seen in a wider demographic context: The median age of first buying a house decreased in the 1960s-70s as home ownership became widespread. It has since increased by 9 years from 1981 (from age 24 to 33). But deferral in home ownership accompanies delays in all other major life events over the last half-century, as shown below.
These include a delay in the median age of getting a first job (2 years), finishing education (5 years), having a child (7 years), getting married (8 years), and dying (12 years). Deferring their first home purchase by 9 years would still probably see younger generations enjoy home ownership longer than their parents.
6. Indefinite deferral of home purchase has consequences: Lifetime home ownership rates will decline if some people defer indefinitely. Banks may be reluctant to lend past a certain age given retirement ages are increasing more slowly (by 3 years over the past 50). More people may retire with debt (36% of homeowners do so now). Some people receive help for home deposits from parents but higher gifts go to those with higher income. Modelling suggests that there is no imminent wall or wave of bequests in sight and that bequest recipients are getting older.
7. Demographic change may make things easier: In the short-term, demand for housing is expected to remain strong, so supply declines are concerning. Over the long term, base projections see a shallow deceleration in growth of demand, but the range of possible outcomes is wide. Also, cross-country variation in house prices and demographic change suggest that population ageing could weigh prices downwards.
8. In the meantime, the retirement income system is failing renters: The continued exclusion of the home from the pensions means test, undifferentiated age pension payments, and rent assistance levels that are pegged to the wrong index, result in a wide financial gap between renters and owners. The system review reporting in 2020 is an opportunity to narrow this gap. While super is important for young, low-income households, we are yet to understand how much it constrains their investment in housing. The two are complements. Super is more liquid in retirement while housing investment can be leveraged and therefore results in greater wealth accumulation when prices are rising.
9. Older renters continue to experience significant vulnerability: Often-quoted figures that old-age poverty in Australia is high, are inaccurate. But new estimates that take account of housing suggest that older Australian renters have among the highest relative poverty rates in the OECD. They also have greater rental affordability stress than other age groups. While increases in measured homelessness among older women were due to greater numbers in this age group rather than higher incidence, their increased use of homelessness services was disproportionate.
10. Income and house prices: Modelling shows that an extra dollar of income increases house prices in NSW by more than a dollar and that price sensitivity increased with proximity to Sydney.
11. Deferral of home ownership: Research found little indication that home ownership fell for Generation X. Later rates of marriage were a key driver of home ownership delay. Analysis of trade-offs between renting and buying shows that initially renters do tend to consume more than owners, but that this reverses.
12. Migration and housing: Recent and temporary migrants tend to rent apartments (about 75% of long-term temporary arrivals rent). Increases in migration are likely to therefore overstate home ownership declines.
13. Demography and house prices: Higher house prices were observed in countries and periods where shares of prime-age workers were higher. An estimated 7% of the increase in real house prices in Australia between 1970 and 2015 was due to changes in age structure. Projections suggest a reversal in the future.
14. Housing bubbles and macroeconomic risks: Studying the bursting of the US housing bubble shows that a key contagion channel was the reappraisal of risk rather than the wealth effect on home owner balance sheets.
15. Supply response: NSW regions have higher housing supply responses than Sydney but are still relatively low given fewer land constraints. Councils appear inhibited by State rules.
16. Treatment of assets in the means test: It’s possible to combine age pension means tests by having them separate but applied consistently. Exempting the home in the test is shown to inhibit downsizing, but effect is small.
17. House purchase triggers re-evaluation of retirement finances: Super contribution behaviour changes around the time of taking out a mortgage. Owner-occupier mortgagors appear to increase super contributions while investors rebalance toward property. Buying a house also increases interactions with super.
18. Wealth accumulation in an ageing society: Ageing alongside greater age pension means testing can result in greater private asset accumulations and lower pension spending, driven by longer-lived high-income groups.
19. Downsizing: People over 55 downsized:
(1) because the house or yard was too big
(2) to be closer to family
(3) for lifestyle
(4) to alleviate financial stress.
Older people are less likely to regret their decision to move to a smaller place compared with those who downsized at younger ages. Half of older women are choosing to age in place, but many live alone. Changes are often due to health concerns.
20. Retirement products: A reverse mortgage on a CBD house is riskier and should attract a higher risk premium. Lump-sum reverse mortgages are more profitable and less risky to providers than income stream products, explaining why the former dominates most markets. Explaining reverse mortgages well can raise interest in them. The more wealth is in one’s home, the more optimal it is to annuitise the remaining wealth since home equity acts as a form of precautionary savings to cover healthcare expenditure and as a bequest.
21. Bequests: Property made up 70% of assets of those dying aged 65-84. Research confirms that bequests are being delayed as life expectancy increases. Pensioners hold on to assets rather than spending them to maximise pension income.
22. Adapting housing and neighbourhoods: The housing stock is ill-equipped to meet older people’s needs with respect to safety and accessibility measures. Key modifications would prevent falls at home if discharges from hospital involved an occupational therapist home visit, and simple exercises also help. Mental health and venturing beyond the home (e.g. by being able to drive) were positively correlated.
23. Who can expect financial hardship in old age, and for how long? Single older women with low education who rent their home could expect to live 7.7 years of retirement in financial hardship (e.g. unable to heat the home, missing meals, or pawning items). Hardship expectancy for women with similar characteristics but who owned their home was half that. Older renters are likely to have less family support and more depression.
Rafal Chomik is a Senior Research Fellow at CEPAR and responsible for the Centre’s research translation program. Sophie Yan is a Research Fellow at CEPAR.
The full research paper
This brief for this research was in three parts.
It first tackles the dynamics of the housing purchase in working life, describing the patterns of housing tenure across generations, demographic and market dynamics, the likely future effects of demography on housing demand, and the policies that can affect home purchase outcomes, particularly taxes.
In part two, the brief considers housing consumption in old age, discussing the retirement income context, the value and distribution of housing wealth, the preference of older people for remaining in their community, and how older people bequeath or can make better use of the equity in their home in retirement.
Finally, part three tackles housing lack in old age, describing the implications and vulnerabilities that arise from renting in retirement. Overall, the brief provides a broad stocktake of research that touches on many different areas of housing-related policy.
Download the full research brief here.